ACTIVITIES OF FULANI HERDSMEN AND ITS IMPLICATION ON COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT IN NIGERIA

CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW

2.0 INTRODUCTION

Our focus in this chapter is to critically examine relevant literatures that would assist in explaining the research problem and furthermore recognize the efforts of scholars who had previously contributed immensely to similar research. The chapter intends to deepen the understanding of the study and close the perceived gaps.

2.1 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK

Fulani Herdsmen

Fulani herdsmen or Fulani pastoralist according to Wikipedia (2018) are nomadic or semi nomadic Fulani herders whose primary occupation is raising livestock. The pure Fulani pastoralist engages in random movement of cattle while the semi- nomadic makes transhumance migration and return to their camps or homes. Herdsmen according to (Abdulbarkindo and Alupsen, 2017 ) can be “perceived as people who are simply inconstant search for greener pastures for feeding their herds”. Farmer An individual whose primary job function involves livestock and / or agriculture. A farmer takes all the necessary steps to ensure that he/she raises and then sells the items to purchasers (Business Dictionary.com 2018).

The Fulani originated from the Senegambia before spreading out into about 20 states which cut across West Africa and the Sahel as well as western Sudan and Central African Republic (McGregor, 2014). The people are found in large number in Nigeria but while some have moved into the cities, many are still living as semi nomadic herders. However, these group who own and rear herds of animals like cattle for commercial 4 purposes are called Herdsmen. Fulani herdsmen or Fulani pastoralists are nomadic or semi nomadic herders whose primary occupation is raising livestock (Iro 1994). They usually move their herds from one place to another in search of pasture and fresh water. It is predominantly the occupation of the Fulani ethnic group in Nigeria. They are often armed and visibly move about with weapons (like daggers, machetes, arrows etc) to protect their livestock.

The more disturbing issue about the Herdsmen is that they also block the highways with their cattle, rob and kidnap people, keep them captives in the bush and demand for ransom. The Herdsmen have also been involved in the rape of old and young women and burning of communities (The Vanguard, 2015). Due to their violent nature and associated killings, the group was recently described as the world's fourth deadliest militant group (GTI, 2015; Mikailu, 2016).

ADVENT OF FULANI HERDMEN AND BANDIT ACTIVITIES

In Africa, the Fulanis are about twenty million in number; they are one of the most widely dispersed and culturally diverse people scattered across Nigeria, Guinea, Mali, Niger, Cameroon, Chad and Sudan. The Fulanis, also known as the “Fula people or Fulbe” are the largest pastoral nomadic group in the world with root in West Africa, Northern part of Central Africa and Egypt (Adisa and Adekunke 2010). The common business of Fulanis is livestock production, they move from one region to another for grazing purposes. Livestock account for one third of Nigeria’s agricultural Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and contributes 16% of agricultural GDP; it is an important component of general agriculture and a key contributor to economic growth and development of any nation (Ojiako and Olayode 2008, 114). The dire need for Fulani herdsmen to increase the productivity of their livestock farming in the midst of unfavourable climatic conditions have necessitated the search for adequate pasture for cattle grazing.

Incessant bloody clashes between the Fulani herdsmen and local farmers in Middle-belt and Northwest have resulted in deaths and displacement. Different parts of Africa including Nigeria have experienced clashes between the Fulani herdsmen and local farmers throughout the colonial periods in Africa and even beyond (Abubakar 2012). Several invasions have been carried out by Fulani herdsmen in the past two years of the constituted administration of President Mohammadu Buhari, a Fulani man (Opejobi 2016). In Nigeria, clashes between the two parties became intensified after the state governments approved the anti-open grazing law. The country’s security situation has become very acute and there is a growing attention for incidents of incessant bloody clashes between the Fulani herdsmen and local farmers in Nigeria. This development has become a subject of security concern and public debate.

CAUSES OF HERDSMEN AND FARMERS CRISIS IN NIGERIA

Traditional Institution Factor

The causes of Farmers and Herdsmen crisis in Nigeria and particularly in Benue state according to Jibo (2014) is the allegation that some traditional rulers often collect money from Fulani pastoralists with the intention of allowing grazing activities within their domain. These arrangement are often unacceptable to the common farmers. The late Tor Tiv Alfred Akawe Torkula in his reacting on the killing of the Tiv farmers by herdsmen why speaking at Anyin, where he attended the Funeral of the Late Pa Undzuul Anyin ( his maternal uncle) the Tor Tiv thus stated:

“He regretted the heavy loss of lives and properties as a result of Fulani attacks and Warm (sic) those particularly the chiefs who monetize certain portion of land with Fulani without the knowledge of the public to desist in doing so (Jibo 2014)”.

The above view indicate clearly that the crisis between herdsmen and farmers crisis is attributed to the economic benefit of selling land to Fulani for grazing by the traditional rulers without involving their subjects. This development resulted to rejection by the local communities there by creating problems.

Demography / Climate Change

Increase in the population of people across the country with little land left for farming and grazing of animals by both herdsmen and farmers is causing crisis. The then Governor of Benue state Suswan stated categorically as quoted in Jibo (2014) that:

“the Fulani invasion have, …. Challenges that are very worrisome to all of us. Let me hasten to say that the Fulani invasion is not just peculiar to Benue. This invasion has assumed a national dimension and the government itself if (sic) very worried. I have made several reports of this to higher authorities for us to take action. You will recall that the Sultan has visited here up to three times on my invitation for us to address this issue together being himself head of the Fulani and the head of the Muslims in this country. He did very well. He was able to address this and put some people who up till now we interact with to address the problem of the invasion. But the problem has different dimension”.

One is the fact that there is continues encroachment of the desert moving down. If you go beyond Plateau as you move even to Nasarawa State, you can notice desertification coming in. That reduces the availability of grasses for the animals and for a Fulani man he must necessarily feed the animal that now encroaches on farmers because the population has increased over the years. For instance in the 70s and 80s, the population that we now have was non – existence; so there was large availability of land for grazing. Now we are officially one hundred and sixty something unofficially we’re over two hundred millions.

Families that you only had maybe ten people now you have about fifty people in those families so the land available for farming and grazing has reduced and so we necessarily need to do something to avoid conflict otherwise this conflict will continued. And it has assumed a very dangerous dimension where the Fulani would hire mercenaries to come and wipe out a whole village as we witnessed lately in four of our local governments, the latest being the one in Agatu which are still grappling with till date (Jibo, 2014). The increase in pressure resulting from resource degradation and scarcity is aggravating the situation of competition between farmers and pastoralists. In the areas where the two production systems interact, both communities are increasingly considering the option of expansion to each other’s holding. As a result, conflicts are getting recurrent and intensified in many parts of the country (Adelakun, Adurogbangba and Akinbile, 2015). Okoli and Atelhe (2014) relate the causes of conflict to the global climate change and the contenting desertification and aridity that reduced arable and grazing lands, forcing pastoralist to move southwards in search of pasture for their livestock.

Cattle Rustling

Cattle Rustling Were known to have caused farmer – herder conflict. In every community, there are miscreants. Some of these have been caught stealing bulls and cows by the nomadic herders. These killings often enraged the host communities.

Land Acquisition

Land acquisition by capitalist farmers Also exacerbates the upsurge of conflict as pastoralist can no longer find where to pass even to talk of where to stay ( Abbass, 2012 cited in Muhammed, Ismaila and Bibi, 2015; Adisa and Adekunle, 2010).

Contamination of Stream

Contamination of Stream Is regarded as the source of conflict. The stream is the source of domestic water supply for most rural farming communities. The host community members believe that contamination of the stream leads to outbreak of cholera, typhoid fever and liver fluke. The nomadic herdsmen also allow their cattle to graze on fallow land continuously and over grazing emanates there from. This cause erosion on the plot of land thereby making it infertile and difficult to cultivate by farmers.

Rape

Rape Is amajor cause of conflict which is a taboo to every society in the world and in particular in Africa. It is not taken lightly. The nomads who are singles, in a bid to satisfy their thirst for females fall into such temptations.

Destruction of Crops

There are also issues of nomads entering with their cattle in the farms of farmers and causing havoc to farm products like yam, rice etc. This usually result to conflicts between them.Indiscriminate bush burning also cause conflict among herdsmen and farmers because unharvested products of farmers are usually burn to ashes (Ofuoku and Isife 2009; Bello 2013 ; Adelakun, Adurogbangb and Akinbile, 2015)

Indigenization

Okeke (2014) in his study attributed the indigenization claim of ownership of a place as a source of conflicts between herdsmen and farmers. He stated an example of conflict between the city – dwelling Hausa and Berom in Plateau state . According to him in the last few years the conflict spread to the rural areas and Fulani became the major enemies of the Berom. The conflict have become bloodier since 2001 to date. The same thing is attributed to Benue and Nasarawa States among others up till date with series of killings of human beings and wanton destruction of farm products and buildings. Aluaigba (2008)views the Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen invasion of Benue State from the perspective of citizenship ideology. In recent times, questions have been raised in public discourses on the subject of citizenship in Nigeria. In particular, the issue of discrimination against Nigerians who live in places where they were not born or where their forefathers were not born has been perceived as a major cause of conflict. Consequently, the arrival of the HausaFulani Muslim herdsmen into Benue is perceived as reviving this old and unsettled rivalry between the indigene and the settler over socio-economic and environmental resources. The Nigerian Republic, like other African nations, has been blamed for its inability to accommodate the various ethnic groups that exist in the country. Nigeria’s post-colonial policies have instead caused further division, adding to the serious quarrels between its varied groups and leading to yet more violent conflict (Abdulbarkindo and Alupsen, 2017). The law governing indigenization needs to be revisit by both the upper and lower chambers of the house to resolve friction and tension over indigenes and settlers at both the Federal and States government level in order to avoid crisis in Nigeria.

Porosity of Nigerian boarders

The porosity of Nigerian boarders is the cause of herdsmen and farmers crisis among other insecurity problems in Nigeria, many herdsmen that found their way in the country are discover to be from Mali, Chad and Niger etc. who hardly speaks pigging English nor Hausa as a spoken languages that are causing trouble in the country. The former Inspector General of Police, Solomon Arase also said that: “most of the herdsmen are not Nigerians. They are people from Mali and Chad who come into our system, that is why we have to be very careful, our borders are porous “(Abdulbarkindo and Alupsen 2017, and Ngbea and Ngbea, 2016). Nigerians borders needs to be tighten in order to avoid influx of foreigners in the country.

Impunity and Nepotism

Impunity and nepotism in Nigeria by the government of the day based on the statement credited by the Inspector General of Police Idris, when he was sent to Benue State by Nigerian President Buhari to investigate the killing of over 70 people in Guma and Logo Local Government Areas of the state on the 1st January, 2018 by suspected herdsmen. According to his interpretation, the crisis was a mere communal crisis – this did not go down well in a country with multiple religions and tribes.

The public relation officer of the police Mr. Jimoh also threw discourteous words to the Governor of Benue State, Samuel Ortom when he called him a drowning man during his interview on Channels Television, he said in an apparent reference to the governor calling for the immediate resignation or sack of the IGP (Channels Television’s Sunrise Daily news at 10:oopm, 6th Feb; 2018 and Ahmed- Gamgum, 2018).

Abdulbarkindo and Alupsen (2017) in their research reports in Benue State says, while questions still remain unanswered about the types of sophisticated weapons used in Benue, the nature of the attacks and the atrocities committed have raised very serious concerns. The Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen deploy fear as a tactic and thus ensure that victims are traumatized in such a way that they do not wish to return to their homeland after fleeing.

This was confirmed by interviews carried out among victims living in refugee camps in Gwer-West, Guma, Tarka, Ukum, Agatu and Logo. According to a community leader in Guma, the nature of the atrocities are chilling and Hausa Fulani Muslim herdsmen conduct them with arrogance and impunity. On 23 October 2017, the National President and Secretary of the Fulani sociocultural association “Miyetti Allah Kautal Hore” called a press conference in Abuja, insisting that the convergence of herdsmen in the Benue valley between November and February every year is historical and inevitable.

They claimed that the Anti-Open Grazing Law signed by Benue State Governor in May 2017 (and due to be implemented in November 2017) was therefore denying the herdsmen their legitimate rights as Nigerians. The association called on President Muhammad Buhari to stop the law, otherwise the herdsmen would have to defend their rights and their lifestyle. The uncertainty following this press conference has raised security concerns among local communities in Benue State. The current atmosphere suggests that the indications of ethnic cleansing based on religious affiliation are likely to become increasingly evident through further attacks targeting Christian communities (Abdulbarkindo and Alupsen, 2017). The inaction of the Nigerian government towards Hausa-Fulani Muslim violence has allowed the culture of impunity to grow.

In the absence of government security, some local communities decide to defend themselves against Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen attacks. Critics have blamed the government for using double standards. The government arrests, imprisons and prosecutes members of the indigenous people of Biafra. The government has deployed military forces against the Niger Delta Avengers. Yet, the government has refused to arrest or prosecute Hausa-Fulani Muslim herdsmen. Instead, there appears to be a policy-framework underway to establish grazing fields for the herdsmen. The Minister of State for Agriculture and Rural Development, Heineken Lokpobiri, reaffirmed the government’s plans to establish cattle ranches as a lasting solution to prevent the frequent clashes between herdsmen and farmers in Nigeria. He spoke during a one-day public hearing organized by the Senate Committees on Agriculture, and National Security and Intelligence (Abdulbarkindo and Alupsen, 2017).

Based on the above statement made by Miyetti Allah Kautal Hore (National President and Secretary of the Fulani Socio –Cultural Association), on the 1st of January, 2018 over 70 Tiv people including women and children were killed in Guma and Logo Local Government Areas of Benue State by suspected herdsmen and the NPSFSCA secretary has not been arrested for try and persecution by any of the security agencies in the country.

All these resulted to a call to defend yourselves against the invasion of Fulani herdsmen that is not only in Benue, but other states like Kaduna, Zamfara and Taraba among others at the organized maiden Taraba State University convocation on 24th of March, 2018 by T.Y Danjuma and some other stakeholders like the Emir of Birnin Gwari Axis of Kaduna Malam Zubairu Jibril Mail Gwari II in the country, which received an ill feeling by the government.

2.1.5 TRIGGERS OF HERDSMEN CRISIS IN NIGERIA

The triggers of the incessant clashes between Fulani herdsmen and local farmers are often based on alleged trespass on farmlands for grazing purposes which destroys crops and deprive farmers of high productivity and projected profits. Such triggers can generally be categorized into two: the external and internal causes. In Nigeria, the internal causes of incessant clashes between Fulani herdsmen and local farmers pose major challenges to socio-economic development than the external causes of the clashes. This article, therefore, focuses on the internal causes of incessant clashes between Fulani herdsmen and local farmers in Nigeria and considers the incessant

clashes as self-inflicted and not externally determined.

Incoherence of the government policy

The clashes between Fulani herdsmen and their host communities have given room for conflicting claims and arguments on the constitutional rights to land ownership and the establishment of grazing reserves.Through the politicking of Fulani lawmakers and the powers of Fulani lobbying, the Grazing Bill is being pushed in the national assembly, and thus, will forcibly dislocate people from their lands (Onwubiko 2017). The Minister of Agriculture earmarks billions for the purchase of Brazilian grass for Fulani herdsmen. Such a sentimental disposition points not only to the possibility of the herdsmen going scot-free with wanton killing and destruction, while the federal government proposes withdrawing from state treasury to tend to private-owned business (Onwubiko 2017). Audu Ogbeh, the current Minister of Agriculture, once suggested that the attacks were as a result of the failure of successive governments to pay attention to Fulani herdsmen and cow farming. He stated further that the national outrage was about the refusal of the federal government to bring those Fulani herdsmen responsible for the killings to book (Onwubiko 2017). However, at other times, Audu Ogbeh has been quoted to give out contradictory policy blueprints on how the government is resolving the emerging grave threats posed by the Fulani herdsmen (Onwubiko 2017).

Proliferation of small and light weapons

The proliferation of small and light weapons has exacerbated violent rural crime, such as armed Fulani herdsmen killings, cattle rustlers cum ethnic violence and general insecurity outrage. Generally for the country and specifically with regards to the herdsmen situation, the discovery by the federal government of a thousand four hundred and ninety-seven illegal routes along the Nigerian border is important information. Even so, this discovery is not as important as how the government react to it. The porosity of the Nigerian borders poses a great challenge to combating the incessant killings between Fulani herdsmen and local farmers, based on trespass on farmlands for grazing purposes. The Governor of Kaduna state had once raised a peace committee and successfully traced the herdsmen to locations outside Nigerian borders (Premium Times 2017), but still, the porosity of the borders remained yet unaddressed. Nigeria’s security institutions are very loose, and weak to check the infiltration of foreign visitors who are mercenaries in Nigeria’s incessant herdsmen-perpetuated killings, especially regarding the involvement of the nationals of neighbouring countries such as Sudan, Mali, Niger, and Chad (Shettima and Tar 2008). In addition to our weak borders, Nigeria does not have any special forces guarding these areas spread across the nation. Recent reports of kidnap and robbery, by alleged nomads, of citizens travelling through forest regions is a pointer to why Nigeria needs special policing at our forests and mountains. In most cases, the countries mentioned are escape routes for the armed Fulani herdsmen, when they are aware of the military presence.

COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT

Community development is a process where community members are supported by agencies to identify and take collective action on issues which are important to them. Community development empowers community members and creates stronger and more connected communities.Over the years the struggle to eradicate poverty and maintain a satisfying standard of living has been the plan of every government. This is because every government craves for a developed nation (Bonye, Aasoglenang & Owusu-Sekyere, 2013; Amakye, 2017). Development is a vital necessity to the growth and sustentation of any vibrant nation (Lawal, 2011).

Community development seeks to improve the quality of life a group of people. It helps the community strengthen itself in order to improve people’s lives and address issues that have been identified by the community and it builds upon existing skills and strengths within the community (Inkoom 2011). Significantly, over the years there have been improved changes in what was known as community development a hundred years and what it is today. Political shifts, population growth and changes in cultural dynamics have often times played a vital role in how community development manifests. Some of the classic concerns of community development found expression in the early 1990s in the notion of ‘capacity building’. There was an interest in developing the ability of local groups and networks to function and to contribute to social and economic development (Smith, 2012). Gilchrist and Taylor (2011) suggest three vital aspects of community development: Education, collective action, organization development (Gilchrist and Taylor 2011: 10-12).

Brief History of Nigeria community development

Community development is a process where community members come together to take collective action and generate solutions to common problems. Community development has come a long way in Nigeria; it dates back to the colonial era (Nseabasi, 2012). Community development processes and practices entails the inclusion and participation of different interest groups, stakeholders and actors including the people whose livelihood projects are geared at improving, government and non-governmental bodies, funding organizations, project experts and executors (Akande, 2010; Nseabasi, 2012).

Community development in Nigeria can be traced as far back as the 1900s when we were ruled by the colonial masters. Lord Lugard who was the colonial governor conquered the area through indirect rule. He had warrant chiefs at the village level that represented the government (Nseabasi, 2012). British colonial interest in rural Nigeria was characterized by two-prong exploitation. In the first place, the rural areas were available only as primary resource areas for export of raw materials. The second level of exploitation saw the rural areas as food productive centers for the few urban centers which eventually were to serve the basic food needs of the colonial inhabitants (Nseabasi, 2012). Furthermore, Nigeria at pre-independence was dominantly rural which depended on agricultural practices for subsistence and exchanges. However, the spread of Christianity tremendously increased the level of development individuals enjoined in the colonial era (Nseabasi, 2012). Church authorities and missionaries set out missionary schools and hospitals to attend to the basic needs of man. The colonial government township ordinance Act promulgated in 1917 dictated the developmental course of the rural areas when it classified settlements into first, second and third class for the purpose of infrastructural provision (Nseabasi, 2012).

The first class settlements were mostly foreignized by the whites Europeans and their workers. Consequently, such settlements were the focus of heavy infrastructural concentration, and Lagos represented the classic example of such discriminatory infrastructural concentration. On the other hand, the second and the third class settlements were not given adequate policy attention in infrastructural provision (Olayiwola & Adeleye, 2005). Furthermore, different governments in Nigeria have in the past introduced various community development programmes such as: Directorate of Food, Green Revolution Programme, Operation Feed the Nation, Structural adjustment programme (SAP), National Economic Empowerment and Development Strategy (NEEDS), Road and Rural Infrastructure (DFRRI), National Agricultural and Land Development Authority (NALDA) for the benefit of all citizens (Ayuba, 2012). Today, community development displays its self through self-help programmes.

ACTIVITIES OF FULANI HERDSMEN AND ITS IMPLICATION ON COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT IN NIGERIA

Nigeria is under a severe internal and security threat as the threat has political, economic and environmental dimensions. Each of these dimensions has critically affected the stability of the nation and can be traced to many factors in which the Fulani-herdsmen appears to be major factor. Most worrisome in the present development is the pillaging, raping, killing and kidnapping by the so called Fulani herdsmen. Stories are found in the national dailies on daily basis of how these shepherds strategically attack several communities and houses, with sophisticated assault gunsAK-47.

Destruction Of Vast Expanse Of Arable Agricultural Farmlands, loss of farmers lives and food insecurity

According to Okereke (2012) and Bello (2013), the conflicts in most part of Nigeria especially the Fulani herdsmen and farmers clash are largely uncalled for. Farmers can no longer farm peacefully because of Fulani herdsmen. These Fulani herdsmen and farmers clash have pitched Christians and Muslims against each other. Recent studies conducted by Okereke (2012) and Kasarachi (2016) have shown that, serious conflict erupt between Fulani herdsmen and farmers leading to loss of lives, valuable properties and destruction of vast expanse of arable agricultural farmlands thereby posing serious threat to food security since farmers for fear of attack could no longer go to farm and harvest their farm produce. The latest attacks by Fulani herdsmen is on the upsurge, with the most latest attacks in February 2018 happening in Benue State, Taraba State, Nassarawa State and few cases of attack in other states.The latest attacks by Fulani herdsmen is on the upsurge, with the most latest attacks in February 2018 happening in Benue State, Taraba State, Nassarawa State and few cases of attack in other states. In recent times, the killings recorded by Fulani herdsmen and farmers clash has rampaged most communities displacing them of their farmlands and loss of their major source of livelihood. This is becoming unbearable with the Fulani herdsmen always having their ways leaving the farmers at their mercy. Herdsmen attribute the roots of the crisis to religious differences resulting in the killing of their cows while the farmers see the herdsmen as a threat to their crops and agricultural produce since the herdsmen allow their cows to feed on the farmer crops.

Disrupted Socioeconomic, Religious And Educational Activities

This recent wave of violence in Nigeria as observed by Kasarachi (2016) has disrupted socioeconomic, religious and educational activities, political instability and threatened the national unity in Nigeria. These extra judiciary killings have forced thousands of people to abandon their homes and farmlands for safety.

Okereke (2012) asserts that this unfolding violence have become so alarming that there is no gainsaying the fact that Nigeria is at a crossroad and gradually drifting to a conflict society. Equally begging for answers are the social issues of the rape of women, robbery and kidnapping with ultimate intent for ransom. The researcher observed that the menace of Fulani-Herdsmen appears to have dire implications for socioeconomic development in the states attacked and Nigeria in general. In the states where the Fulani herdsmen and farmers crisis is pervasive, the property destroyed and cases of rapes slog their economic and social opulence back by several steps. Besides the destroyed properties, socioeconomic life in those states is usually grounded to a halt as people could not freely go about their farming and socioeconomic activities for fear of being killed.

The overall implication for sustainable development is that the farming, economic and social activities seem to be fast deteriorating. Also, a substantial part of the country’s budget has been spent on the compensation of families who lost their relations to the Fulani herdsmen and farmers crisis. Also, huge amount of money is being spent on weapons and ammunition acquisition so as to equip the military to handle the situation on ground. All these seem to have affected Nigeria’s economy.

Hindering of Infrastructural development, trade foreign direct investment

Infrastructural development, trade, and foreign direct investment have also been adversely affected by the rising increase of attacks and kidnapping of foreign nationals by rural herdsmen in different parts of Nigeria including the oil-rich Niger Delta region. Egbejule (2018) revealed that one expatriate engineer working on a project in Zamfara state was kidnapped and kept for 12 days until a ransom of ₦30 million equivalent to $83,100 was paid by his employer. Similarly, two foreign expatriates, together with their police escort, were kidnapped and killed on their way to their project sight in Sokoto state. Some of the affected road construction companies such as K & E and CGC were forced to abandoned projects and relocate to other African countries which are relatively peaceful and attractive for investment. Similar cases of banditry have also been experienced by expatriates and native Africans working in oil and gas as well as telecommunication companies across Nigeria.

2.2 THEORITICAL FRAMEWORK

The theoretical framework adopted for the study is conflict theory.

Conflict theory, first purported by Karl Marx, is a theory that society is in a state of perpetual conflict because of competition for limited resources.Conflict theory focuses on the competition between groups within society over limited resources. Conflict theory views social and economic institutions as tools of the struggle between groups or classes, used to maintain inequality and the dominance of the ruling class.

Marxist conflict theory sees society as divided along lines of economic class between the proletarian working class and the bourgeois ruling class.

Later versions of conflict theory look at other dimensions of conflict among capitalist factions and between various social, religious, and other types of groups. Conflict theory has been used to explain a wide range of social phenomena, including wars, revolutions, poverty, discrimination, and domestic violence. It ascribes most of the fundamental developments in human history, such as democracy and civil rights, to capitalistic attempts to control the masses (as opposed to a desire for social order). Central tenets of conflict theory are the concepts of social inequality, the division of resources, and the conflicts that exist between different socioeconomic classes.

The relevance of this theory to this study depict the never ending crisis thrown by herdsmen in communities has hindered community development and masterminded the increase in rural-urban migration. Other impact includes pause in social economic activities, most construction companies has left their site,leaving some community development project abandoned and on the advert, foreign direct investment,trade and infrastructure have been impacted. Rural communities have loss of man power caused by killings of indigenes, more so school children are no longer attending to educational activities, no more economic activities and hence impoverishing the rural dwellers and impeding community development.

2.3 SUMMARY OF CHAPTER

From the foregoing issues analyzed in the review, there is no doubt that the herdsmen/farmers crisis in Nigeria based on the findings is as a result of destruction of farming products, cattle rustling, demographic/climate change, porosity of borders, large acquisition of land by the capitalist, monetization of land to the herdsmen by the traditional rulers and indignation factor among others. The research also analyzed the religious of the crisis in Nigeria that if care is not taken by the Government to resolve this crisis, it can continue to hinder community development hence impoverishing rural dwellers.