ENDSARS PROTEST: A MEANS OF PROMOTING INSECURITY IN NIGERIA

CHAPTER TWO

REVIEW OF LITERATURE

INTRODUCTION

Our focus in this chapter is to critically examine relevant literature that would assist in explaining the research problem and furthermore recognize the efforts of scholars who had previously contributed immensely to similar research. The chapter intends to deepen the understanding of the study and close the perceived gaps.

Precisely, the chapter will be considered in three sub-headings:

• Conceptual Framework
• Theoretical Framework

2.1 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK

HISTORY OF PROTESTS IN NIGERIA

Nigerians are no strangers to activism. Social unrest was common before the1960. Social issues such as colonialism, slavery, rising inflation, unemployment, and corruption were challenged by activists. Print, radio, music, and, of course, the streets were all used in these protests. For example, during the colonial period, a local newspaper called Iwe Irohin(1859–1867) set out to promote a reading culture among Nigerians but instead became a vocal opponent of the slave trade. The British Colonial Office reprimanded the newspaper for supporting indigenous causes, which was expected (Stears Business, 2020). Despite this, the paper was a success in several ways. Iwe Irohin's journalism was a powerful weapon in the fight to free the Egba people from the rulers of the Dahomey Kingdom, which was a major player in the British slave trade. As a result, Iwe Irohin was proof of the transformative power of citizen-driven protests in the form of journalism as early as the nineteenth century. We saw ‘sitting' as a major protest tactic decades later, during the 1929 Aba Women's Riots (as the British called it). Outside the homes of warrant chiefs and Native court officials, the female protesters would dance and sing about their grievances. They would go so far as to mud-plaster the properties in some cases (Oshinnaike, 2020).

These demonstrations relied heavily on the Aba women's perseverance, cultural knowledge, and commitment to nonviolence, at least on their part. These riots were not in vain, and they are remembered as important milestones in the country's history of women-led protests. They resulted in significant victories against the British government, including the reduction of taxes and the resignation of a number of colonial stooges. Iwe Irohin and the Aba Women's Riots, in particular, are renowned for being successful and non-violent demonstrations. In the instance of Aba, the police, despite their calm attitude, murdered nearly 50 women. Still, these two instances demonstrated that audiences are more sympathetic to nonviolent demonstrators since they do not inflict the collateral harm that violent demonstrations have caused in Nigeria's past (Stears Business, 2020). Nigeria's first coup d'etat occurred in 1966, when the military took action. Regional leaders Tafawa Balewa, Ahmadu Bello, and Festus Okotie-Eboh were killed in this violent demonstration.

The protesters reasoned that military commanders would do a better job of managing the newly independent nation. Regrettably, coups follow coups, and peace was soon consigned to history. Nigeria saw a number of coups between 1966 and 1999. However, the original promise to rid the nation of bribe-seeking individuals in high and low positions who wanted 10% seemed to be forgotten. Other protests include labor union demonstrations, student union demonstrations, and the most recent ENDSARS demonstration K. (Oshinnaike, 2020).

CAUSES OF ENDSARS PROTEST IN NIGERIA

Ortiz, Saenz, Burke, and Berrada (2013) discovered that a significant percentage of world protests, particularly in Third World countries, were against Neo-liberal reforms such as privatization of public enterprises, full-scale deregulation of public utilities, and the implementation of various forms of austerity measures between 2006 and 2013. According to Rao (2010), protesters in Third World countries opposed to Neo-liberal reforms wished for a strong state capable of standing up to and refusing the dictates of powerful international financial institutions (IFIs) such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, whose structural adjustment prescriptions had stripped away the minimalist sacrosanct of the state. According to Ortiz et al (2013), protests against Neo-liberal reforms demanded reforms such as increased government funding of social services and public utilities, as well as a reduction in corruption, particularly in the petroleum industry, which is dominated by shy lock and oligarchic marketers. As a result, protest serves to remind those in power of the inconsistencies and horrors that exist in the lives of marginalized people. The emergence of the ENDSARS protest has been attributed to a number of factors, including the fact that, while SARS is notorious for its brutality, human rights violations by security forces are not limited to the NPF. Amnesty International released a report in 2015 detailing a series of atrocities perpetrated by the Nigerian military. Human rights violations by security forces can be traced back to Nigeria's military dictatorships, when security agencies like the police were created to protect and serve military regimes rather than communities. Despite the fact that democratic rule was established in 1999, this mindset persists. To intimidate peaceful protesters and arrest journalists and other government critics, police and military personnel have been deployed (Nkasi, 2020). Human rights abuses committed by SARS and other security operatives, as well as a lack of accountability for their actions, are another major driver of the ENDSARS protests. Security personnel who violate human rights are frequently shielded by the police hierarchy, and victims are afraid to speak out for fear of being targeted again. Since the National Assembly passed the Anti-Torture Act of 2017, the government has failed to prosecute a single SARS operative, according to an Amnesty International report released in June 2020. (Amnesty International June Report, 2020). The NPF's enabling legislation, the Police Act, is also out of date. The act, which went into effect in 1943, gives police officers broad discretionary powers. These empower officers to conduct warrant less searches and arrests based on a mere suspicion of guilt or even the intent to commit a crime. Many accusations against SARS center on the seizure of victims' phones without a warrant, while others have been detained because of tattoos or dreadlocks. Many demonstrations have happened in the last decade, according to scholars, and social media has been crucial to many of them (Silva, 2015). Because it enables access to huge numbers of contacts, creates collective identities, and serves as a venue for information dissemination, social media may play a significant role in mobilization (Valenzuela, Arriagada and Scherman, 2012). Scholars are quick to point out, however, that social media does not always result in new forms of protest or fundamentally change conventional organization. Activists should not be limited to the online world, according to Valenzuela et al (2012). In other words, conventional protest modes tend to be supported or facilitated by social media. Protesters utilized social media as an alternative information source, a place to post a counter narrative to the one being presented in pro-government propaganda outlets, in addition to utilizing Twitter and Facebook to organize demonstrations and condemn police brutality.

ENDSARS: THE MOVEMENT AGAINST POLICE BRUTALITY IN NIGERIA

ENDSARS began as a demand for the disbandment of Nigeria's Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS), a section of the Nigerian Police Force known for its brutality and abuses of human rights. It was initially used in 2018 to raise awareness to accusations of SARS officials' brutality and exploitation. (Magdalene,2020) SARS' structure was changed by the government, but claimed human rights abuses and exploitation persisted. SARS agents shot a child in the streets of Delta State without provocation in October 2020, according to social media sources.

Despite the fact that the Nigerian Police Department disputed the shooting in this instance, public outrage grew as additional footage of police killings were posted on social media sites. Celebrities and activists campaigned for support on social media platforms like as Twitter, Instagram, and Facebook, and within days, protesters packed the streets of Lagos and Abuja, demanding an end to SARS. The Nigerian government quickly declared the disbandment of SARS, under pressure from the demonstrations' exposure. However, in light of the government's prior statements, this step was insufficient to satisfy the protesters. Following numerous complaints of harassment, the Inspector General of Police (IGP) stated in December 2017 that SARS had been barred from conducting stop and search operations. The IGP re-announced the prohibition publicly in 2018 and 2020, citing the ineffectiveness of earlier directives. Similarly, Nigeria's acting president stated in 2018 that SARS will be overhauled, with the National Human Rights Commission investigating instances of abuse. This was quickly followed by the introduction of a centralized FSARS (Federal Special Anti-Robbery Squad) that would be overseen by the Inspector General of Police, as opposed to the previous version, which was overseen by state police commissioners. Only a few weeks later, the IGP declared that FSARS would be disbanded, with the force returning to being decentralized and under the direction of state commissioners. (BBC,2020) Protesters added to their list of demands, asking for recompense for victims of SARS violence, retraining of police personnel, and prosecutions of accused SARS executives, in light of previous abuses and disappointments. Thousands of protesters have flooded Nigerian towns since the beginning of October, demanding an end to police brutality and justice for victims of police assault and extrajudicial executions. The #ENDSARS demonstrations have drawn worldwide sympathy and support, with international leaders such as UN Secretary-General António Guterres and US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo expressing their support. Other politicians and celebrities have used the hashtag or mentioned the movement in support of the demonstrations or to urge an end to the government's assault on demonstrators. Former US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, US Vice President-elect Joe Biden, boxing heavyweight champion Anthony Joshua, Arsenal player Mesut Ozil, and American artist Kanye West are among those honored. The hashtag #ENDSARS was the top trending subject on worldwide Twitter for many days in October, prompting Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey to create a unique emoji for the campaign.

EFFECT OF THE ENDSARS PROTEST ON THE NIGERIAN ECONOMY

The economic impact of the ENDSARS protest on Nigeria is enormous, unexpected, and thus unimaginable. Attractiveness is one of them. It may be subject to downgrades by rating agencies, as the crisis has the potential to reverse the economic recovery's gradual progress. Still, Mutiu Yekeen, the Head of Corporate Communications at Primero Transport Services (PTS) Ltd, which owns BRT Buses, said the company lost over N100 million in six days as a result of the protest, which has wreaked havoc on the country's economic capital (Abuede,2020). In a note to Business A.M., Garba Kurfi, Managing Director at APT Securities and Funds Limited, said there will be some economic impacts from the protest; especially because closing the economic nerve center (Lagos) for over three days is a huge loss. “Remember, Lagos controls approximately 50% of the Nigerian economy,” he says. It's a huge loss because it will affect all flights taking off and landing in Lagos, as well as other economic activities that will have to be rescheduled. It's a significant economic loss. Because most other areas of the nation are connected to Lagos in some manner, the consequences are numerous.” “The market reflects the happenings in the economy,” Garba said. “However, we are expecting the market to move upward because of the Q3 results, which are expected to be better than Q2 because of the economy's opening from Covid-19.” Furthermore, many investors will prefer to remain in the capital market because there is no better way to invest than in the capital market (Abuede,2020). The cost of replacing assets in Lagos is estimated to be N1 trillion, which would be reflected in the GDP. The consequence, according to industry leaders and economists, will be a drop in real Gross Domestic Product, or GDP. It will drop to around 6.91 percent year over year, implying a deeper economic contraction, supply-chain disruptions, and a faster rise in inflation. Firms lose about N1 trillion, according to investment bankers. More importantly, job losses and poverty will undoubtedly increase (Lagos Chamber of Commerce and Industry LCCI, 2020). In addition, retail stores were looted and goods were carted away across the countries. Ajeromi Ifelodun Local Government Secretariat; Palace of the Oba of Lagos; Lagos High Court, Igbosere; Oyingbo BRT terminus; Ojodu Berger BRT terminus; Vehicle Inspection Office, Ojodu Berger; Lagos State Public Works Corporation, Ojodu Berger; Lagos City Hall and Circle Mall, Lekki; numerous luxury shops in Surulere; Lagos City Hall and Circle Mall, Lekki; Lagos City Hall and Circle Mall The BRT cars that were destroyed cost $200,000 apiece, while 57 of them cost $100,000 each, for a total of N3.9 billion. Orile, Amukoko, Layeni, Ilasamaja, Ikotun, Ajah, Igando, Elemoro, Makinde, Onipanu, EbuteEro, Pen-Cinema, Isokoko, Alade, Cele, Igbo-Elerin, Shibiri, Gbagada, Onilekere, Makoko, Daleko, Asahun, Makinyo, Anti-Kidna Ojo, Ojodu, Mowo, PPL, and Morogbo police stations were also damaged but not burned (LCCI, 2020). Business operations were halted in other impacted locations, including Airport Road, Sarkin Yaki, Court Road, Burma Road, and Zungeru Road. Banks and businesses were damaged in Plateau state. Youths taking part in the #ENDSARS protest grounded the state capital in Enugu. Motorists were unable to reach their destinations in time. Thousands of supporters of President Muhammadu Buhari, as well as scores of others calling for an end to police brutality, staged multiple protests across Port Harcourt, Rivers State, halting social and economic activities (Business Day, October, 22nd 2020). Apart from the states listed above, the EndSARS protest had a significant detrimental impact on other states' industries. According to a statement released by the Public Relations Officer of the Anambra State Police Command, SP Haruna Mohammed, 21 police divisions were attacked by hoodlums dressed as protesters, with seven of them being burned down. The High Court of Ogidi, the Idemili North LG Secretariat, and the Zik Statue at the DMGS roundabout in Onitsha were among the government properties that were burned or destroyed. Devastation, death, and looting also occurred in the nation's capital, Abuja, as well as Kano, Oyo, Ogun, and Plateau states. Rampaging youths in Kano state attacked shops and homes of local residents, carting away valuables and setting some ablaze. Several vehicles were also destroyed by fire (Fagbo, 2020). SBM researched and interviewed 180 business owners in two areas in Lagos state: Oshodi Isolo and Lagos Mainland, in the final week of October 2020, to determine the economic and financial impact of the demonstrations on small companies. The majority of the businesses polled were sole proprietorships (84.1%) with no workers and a few micro/small businesses (16%) with 2-10 employees. Because they were impacted by the looting that followed the demonstration, shop owners and petty merchants engaged in wholesale and retail commerce of all kinds were polled. The bulk of the respondents (66%) were between the ages of 25 and 40, followed by those between the ages of 40 and 65 (32%), while a handful were under the age of 25. (Morgen, 2020). Despite the above, LCCI President Mrs. Toki Mabogunje voiced worry over the demonstrations' detrimental effect on the Nigerian economy, noting that the protests produced good outcomes and reawakened the need to change Nigeria's democratic administration.

SOCIAL MEDIA

Internet-based apps that allow individuals to interact and share resources and information are referred to as "social media." Blogs, discussion forums, chat rooms, wikis, YouTube Channels, LinkedIn, Facebook, and Twitter are all forms of social media. The usage of social media is a growing phenomena that may be accessed through computer, smart phone, and cellular phone. Rapid developments in communication as a consequence of new technology over the last decade have allowed individuals to connect and exchange information via mediums that were non-existent or largely inaccessible only 24 years ago. [Bruce,2011] Before, during, and after different events, social media has been utilized to communicate a broad variety of public safety information. Many disaster management groups use social media to educate people with preparation and readiness information before to (or in the absence of) an event. By seeking input on public safety-related issues, social media may also be utilized for community outreach and customer service.During an emergency, social media may also serve as a source of information. For example, after the Fort Hood massacres in 2009, the US Army utilized its Twitter account to give news and updates, while the American Red Cross utilizes Facebook to provide catastrophe warnings. However, individuals, not emergency management authorities or groups, are the primary source of information communicated and sought for. For example, during the April 2007 Virginia Tech shooting, warning messages via the Internet came primarily from students and unofficial sources, and citizens sought information through social media during the 2007 Southern California Wildfires because they felt media sources were too general or inaccurate[Vieweg,2010]. Social media has been a popular medium for offering new sources of information and fast communications in recent years, especially after natural catastrophes. Twitter is an example of a service that enables users to send brief textual messages, or tweets, of up to 140 characters to an audience of followers through Web or mobile platforms. Twitter's real-time nature is one of its most distinguishing features. Users regularly share what they are doing and thinking about, and they return to the site on a regular basis to see what others are up to. This produces a large number of user updates from which we may extract valuable information about real-world occurrences such as earthquakes, bush fires, and cyclones. This increasing usage of social media during emergencies provides new information sources from which emergency responders can better understand the situation. During natural catastrophes, survivors in the affected regions may report on what they are seeing, hearing, and experiencing on the ground. People in the surrounding regions may offer near-real-time observations, such as aerial photographs and photos, of catastrophe situations. This is especially helpful in extreme emergency circumstances, when individuals in blackout zones would have limited communication options. Emergency officials might better comprehend "the big picture" during critical circumstances by utilizing the public's collective knowledge, allowing them to make the best, most informed choices possible while deploying relief, rescue, and recovery efforts. [Vieweg,2010] By monitoring the flow of information from various sources during a crisis, social media may be utilized to notify emergency managers and authorities to specific problems. Monitoring data flows may aid in the development of "situational awareness." The capacity to recognize, analyze, and understand important aspects of an event or scenario is known as situational awareness. Real-time information may aid authorities in determining where individuals are, assessing victim needs, and alerting residents and first respondents to shifting circumstances and new dangers as an event develops. According to (Mike,2009) another possible advantage of social media is that it may improve the public's capacity to interact with the government. While existing emergency communication systems have mainly relied on one-way communication—from agencies or organizations to people and communities—social media has the potential to change that since information may flow in many ways (known as backchannel communications). And most government officials, from the president to his special advisers and ministers, have active Twitter accounts that they use to disseminate information to the general public, and these accounts are updated on a regular basis. With the trend of the matter on Twitter, they now have faster access to information that they cannot claim not to see.

SOCIAL MEDIA AND FAST INFORMATION

Clay Shirky (2009) describes the devastating earthquake that struck China's Sichuan region on May 12, 2008. With 70,000 people killed, 350,000 injured, and 5 million people displaced, this was a major international news story. However, according to Shirky (2009), the first reports came from Sichuan residents who used QQ, China's largest social network, and Twitter, the world's most popular microblogging service, to send messages. Initial reports were sent out while the ground was still trembling, and long before the earthquake was announced in the mainstream media. In fact, according to Shirky (2009), Rory Cellan-Jones, who broke the news of the tragedy on the BBC, heard about it via Twitter.

This was not a one-of-a-kind or isolated occurrence. When US Airways Flight 1549 landed in the Hudson River on January 15, 2009, Twitter was recognized as the first media to supply news seekers with information on the 2008 terrorist attacks in Mumbai, India, and as the first medium to offer both written words and video. Within the public relations business, a similar situation is playing out. Robert W. Grupp was chosen President and CEO of the Institute for Public Relations in July 2009, and the Institute's first formal announcement of the appointment was made through Twitter on March 5, 2009.

Twitter, according to Keith O'Brien (2009), Editor of PR Week, has had a significant effect on certain areas of public relations. According to Mike Elgan (2009), a technology journalist and former Editor of Windows magazine, social media has displaced television as Americans' primary news source. Since its inception a few years ago, social media networking services have grown in popularity year after year. Though other social networking sites such as Facebook, Instagram, and Whatsapp also share information, it has been discovered that they get their information from Twitter, because most government officials update their Twitter account more frequently and first before posting the same information to other social media platforms. Nigerian teenagers utilized their tech-savvy power to bring worldwide attention to the violence towards protesters, with a median age of 17.9. Following news of the Lekki shooting, which drew significant criticism from worldwide celebrities like Rihanna, Kanye West, Joe Biden, Hillary Clinton, Lewis Hamilton, Pope Francis, and others, the situation became even more tense. The ENDSARS campaign began in 2017, when Nigerian teenagers used the hashtag to express their stories of the disbanded Special Anti-Robbery Squad's brutality and assaults (SARS). The campaign was only resurrected in early October, when a video of police officers believed to be part of the SARS squad reportedly murdering an unarmed young man surfaced. With the hashtags #ENDSARS, #Endpolicebrutality, and others, Nigerian youths took to Twitter to demand that the Federal Government abolish the infamous police unit and implement police reform. As Nigerian teenagers vented their frustrations and experiences online, the hashtag became a Twitter trending topic. According to Emmanuel Dan-Awoh(2020), only 21% of Nigeria's 82 million internet subscribers use Twitter. Facebook has 55.94 percent of the vote, while Instagram and You tube have 5.02 percent and 3.72 percent of the vote, respectively. Twitter is the most successful medium for social movements since relationships on the site are not customized to match with its users' real-life connections,” says Nairametrics. Personal interests and contacts aren't as important in the feed as they are on other platforms. Due to the democratization of hot subjects, the individual also has greater influence over his Twitter feed. This was accomplished via Twitter's trending vertical, which ranks the most popular topics in a certain location. This encourages more individuals to participate in a digital version of marketplace conversation. As a result, the platform is more adapted to the development of a herd mentality in society. This is why Twitter is more socially and politically important than other social media platforms. In contrast to Facebook, Twitter allows users to have more influence over what appears in their news feed via the democratization and localization of hot topics, which provides users with more information about their surroundings.

According to Wright and Hinson (2009), many people think social media complements conventional news media (85% in 2009 vs. 72% in 2008), and even more people think blogs and social media affect coverage in traditional news media (92 percent in 2009 vs. 89 percent in 2008). Most people think blogs and social media have made communications more immediate because they push businesses to react to criticism more promptly (88 percent in 2009 vs. 84 percent in 2008). In terms of accuracy, trustworthiness, stating the truth, and being ethical, conventional news media continue to earn better ratings than blogs and social media. Most people (80% in 2009 and 75% in 2008) trust conventional news media to be honest, truthful, and ethical, according to the findings. For blogs and other forms of social media, less than half (41 percent in 2009 and 44 percent in 2008) had the same expectations.

According to Bruce R. Lindsay (2011), social media seems to be infiltrating emergency management for a number of reasons. For starters, before, during, and after an event, accurate, trustworthy, and fast information is critical for public safety. The usage of social media is expected to grow as individuals continue to embrace new technology. Furthermore, as social media's popularity increases, a large number of individuals will undoubtedly use it as their primary source of information. They may also expect organizations to utilize social media to fulfill their informational requirements in the future.

To fulfill this expectation, several emergency managers and organizations have already embraced the use of social media. They have, however, begun to utilize social media because they think it offers an additional tool for disseminating critical public safety information. Furthermore, social media enables individuals to engage and communicate in ways that are not feasible via conventional media, and in some instances, it has enabled response groups and victims to contact and communicate with each other when traditional media is inaccessible. Some argue that social media may be utilized to enhance emergency management skills, and that the potential of such good outcomes justifies its continued usage in crises and catastrophes.

INSECURITY IN NIGERIA

Insecurity is just the opposite of what we have as security. Insecurity like security is often used in a number of ways. Many people would take it to mean lack of safety or theexistence of danger; hazard; uncertainty; lack of trust; doubtful; inadequately guarded or protected; lack of stability; disturbed; lack of protection and unsafe (Achumba et al, 2013). Insecurity will make you lose trust, be frightened, unsettled, oppressed, lose focus, and be devastated and lose your humanity. Adebanjoko & Ugwuoke (2014) opine thatinsecurity is the State of being subject in every respect to terror, threat, risk, molestation, bullying, harassment, etc. Insecurity, for example, can be conceived as a threat to the state that often accounted for the arms and nuclear weapons race to protect the state. According to the Encarta dictionary (2009), defined insecurity as the state of being unsafe or insecure or a state of mind characterized by self-doubt and vulnerability. It can beanything from childhood, disturbing situations, mistreatment, and individual fears. Security awareness may be poorly mapped against observable objective security. For example, it has been stated that the fear of kidnappers in the Kaduna-Abuja road andother parts of the north is less common compared to the fear of Boko-Haram. The existence of security personnel may even be taken for protection itself. For instance, the presence of security men in the Kaduna-Abuja road and another part of the north mostespecially north-east may interfere with each other and even cancel the impact of insecurity issues, but civilians still believe that the presence of security men served as proactive measures towards the curbing of the acts.

CAUSES OF INSECURITY IN NIGERIA

There is no doubt that Nigeria has great potential for greatness, particularly with its large population consisting of a dynamic workforce, a growing economy, abundant natural resources, diverse raw materials, huge oil reserves, and intellectual reservoirs. Despite these aspects of greatness, Nigeria continues to be a developing country struggling themost frantically to find its feet among the nations' committees due, among other factors, to the prevalent insurgency and insecurity that have continued to present a challenge to its development and growth. Nweze (2004) have pointed out some causes of insecurityin Nigeria which the followings:

The Menace of Unemployment and Poverty

It is a fact that unemployment causes poverty and extreme poverty leads to a crime that gives rise to insecurity. Aliyu (1998) characterized poverty as a situation in which people live below a defined standard of living income so that individuals and nations are classified and identified as poor. While unemployment is defined as when people are not engaged in meaningful work and are lacking the basic needs of life. Every year, tertiary institutions graduated many students who have been unfortunately thrown into the labor market with no hope for job opportunities in sight. Many become frustrated in an effort to keep mind and body together and engage in violent and criminal acts such as lucrative kidnapping, militancy, and armed robbery. Others have been terrorists ' victims and are quickly radicalized. Nwagbosa (2012) believes that past governments have failed to put in place actions that will reduce unemployment and poverty rates, which have been the major causes of insecurity in Nigeria.

Elite exploitation of ethnicity and religious differences

It is worth bearing in mind that the country's diverse ethnic make-up is not itself a cause of insecurity in Nigeria; however, political and religious leaders across the nation sometimes use ethnic sentiments to achieve their selfish ambitions. Throughout this way, the elites exploit people's minds to stir up mistrust and resentment among different ethnic groups and among the country's major religions that cause Nigeria's insecurity. In a multi-ethnic country like Nigeria, the relationship should be cordial, without reciprocal distrust, fear, and a propensity to a violent confrontation between members of one ethnic or religious group and another of that ethnicity or religious group. Adagba, et al, (2012); Achumba, et al, (2013), similarly asserted that control of scarce resources, fuel, land, economies, traditional and political offices resulted in mass killings and property destruction communities in various parts of the country. Nigeria's various ethnic groups also draw attention to neglect, racism, dominance, abuse, victimization, injustice, marginalization, nepotism, and intolerance. This often results in ethnic violence and religious conflicts.

Corruption

Nonetheless, corruption was largely responsible for government failure and systemic infrastructure collapse, resulting in large-scale insecurity in Nigeria. The state ofinsecurity in Nigeria is unquestionably a result of government failure, traceable to widespread corruption. Corruption is poor not because money and profits change hands in an unequal way, and not because of participants' motives, but because it privatizes important facets of public life, bypassing representation, discussion and choice processes.Corruption is responsible for Nigeria's massive unemployment, it's the reason Nigerian youth and businessmen lack electricity to run their businesses, it's the reason many businesses fail. Unemployment6 and deprivation are the two main causes of Nigeria's insecurity. By creating unemployment and poverty, corruption leads to instability in Nigeria. According to Charas, (2014) Past governments, both Military and Democratic, had attempted to focus attention on good governance, prudence, transparency, and accountability through a variety of means, including the creation of the Murtala Mohammed Administration Code of Conduct in 1975, the Ethical Revolution of Shehu Shagari Civil Administration in 1979, the War Against Indiscipline and the Corruption of General Muhammadu in 1984, General Ibrahim Babangida's mass mobilization for selfreliance, social justice and economic recovery in 1985, General Sani Abacha's Failed Banks Tribunal in 1994, Olusegun Obasanjo's Anti-Corruption Act in 2000.

Weak security apparatus

Nigeria's security system is seen as very poor in both personnel and equipment. Security officers are poorly and poorly trained and poorly remunerated. As a result, the requisite expertise is not available to meet modern security challenges. The contribution of the security personnel to the Nigerian project of ensuring general safety is equally of serious concern. This weak security system can be due to a number of factors including corruption, insufficient police, and other security agencies funding, lack of modern equipment, poor safety personnel health, and inadequate staff. Nigeria is largely under police jurisdiction and this partially explains the Nigerian Police Force's failure to effectively tackle the country's crimes, corruption, and insecurity. Olorisakin (2008) asserts that the police population ratio in Nigeria is 1:450 which falls below the United Nations‟ standard. This implies that as a country, Nigeria is grossly under-policed and this perhaps explains the police‟ inability to effectively tackle crimes and security challenges. Many of the soldiers fighting the insurgency in the northeast of the country have been ambushed on some occasions and many have been killed by the rebels at Boko Haram as a result of information leaked to them by those who were supposed to fight them. Again huge sums of money made available for the acquisition of weapons were embezzled and misappropriated or outdated equipment purchased and the offenders were not punishedappropriately. In some other situations, firearms meant to be found in the possession of the insurgents for the Nigerian troops. The lack of cooperation between the Security Agencies is also noted. The case of some soldiers who killed three police officers in Taraba State and injured others, who had an official duty to apprehend a kidnapping kingpinnot long ago, and also a soldier who shot a Mopol in Maiduguri demonstrated the weak security framework in Nigeria further.

2.2 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

USES AND GRATIFICATION THEORY

The meaning of uses and gratification theory as propounded by Baran (2004) cited in Mckee (2004), states that, ‘media do not do things to people, rather people do things with the media. In other words, the influence of media is limited to what people allow it to be. The basic assumptions of this approach are as follows:

1. That media and content choice is generally rational and directed towards certain specific goals and satisfactions (thus, the audience is active and audience formation can be logistically explained).

2. That the audience members are conscious of the media related needs

which arise in personal (individual) and social (shared) circumstances

and can voice these in terms of motivations.

3. That broadly speaking, personal utility is a more significant determinant of audience formation than aesthetic or cultural factors.

4. That all or most of the relevant factors of audience formation (motivates, perceived or obtained satisfactions media choices, background variables) can, in principle be measured.

In addition, Wright (1974) cited in Mckee (2004) stressed further that the media is responsible with, ‘serving the needs of the society’. To him, the media do this through large circulations of public information of all kinds help the cohesion, cultural continuity, social control, etc. of the society. This in turn presupposes that individuals also use media for related purposes such as relations, adjustment, information and identity