MASS MEDIA AS AN INSTRUMENT IN ERADICATING CORRUPTION IN NIGERIA

CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW

Conceptual review

Meaning of corruption: According to Stolpe (2008), United Nations Convention against corruption recognized corruption as a multi-faceted, dynamic and flexible phenomenon, and therefore does not define, but describe corrupt practices. Corruption may not be easy to define but, according to Tanzi (1998), it is “generally not difficult to recognize when observed”. Corrupt acts require a minimum of two individuals from one or more communities, and either exchange or the promise of an exchange of money or services takes place; typically secret, the pact benefits the dyad to the detriment of everyone else.A<!--td {border: 1px solid #cccccc;}br {mso-data-placement:same-cell;}-->MASS MEDIA AS AN INSTRUMENT IN ERADICATING CORRUPTION IN NIGERIAccording to Salisu (2000), the simplest definition of corruption is that it is the misapplication of public resources to private ends. For example, public officials may collect bribes for issuing passports or visa, for providing permits and licenses, for authorising passage of goods at sea/air port, for awarding contracts or for enacting regulations designed to create artificial scarcity.

Macrae (1982) defined corruption as "an arrangement that involves an exchange between two parties (the demander and the supplier) which (i) has an influence on the allocation of resources either immediately or in the future; and (ii) involves the use or abuse of public or collective responsibility for private ends." Konie (2003) identified two types of corruption, these are:

Vertical corruption, which involves managers and decision makers. This is more common in less developed countries and

Horizontal corruption, which involves the entire official, informed, and laymen groups in the countries. The two types of corruption should be seriously addressed and eradicated if any meaningful economic or political progress is to be made.

Sternberg (2000) states that a “bribe is an incentive offered to encourage someone to break the rules of the organization he nominally represents and deliver an (unfairly) favorable outcome.” Corrupt acts are increasingly regarded as “unfair” and indeed criminal by many high-income countries because the bribe-recipient’s betrayal of trust with his employer, when practiced systemically by high-ranking public officials, compromises the “development of fair and efficient markets” (Boatright, 1999). Acts of bribery are passive in that their voluntary acceptance offers an assurance of personal advantage (but misuse of public responsibility) whereas extortion is proactive (aggressive) in its demand for something of value under threat of non-cooperation. In broader terms, corruption has been defined as “socially impermissible deviance from some public duty or more generally some ideal standard of conduct” (Windsor and Getz, 2000).

The rest of the paper is organized as follows: Section two of the paper discusses literature review and theoretical framework. Section three is devoted to discussion, which includes anti-corruption crusade and constraints of media in the fight against corruption. Section four peeps into conclusion and recommendations.

Investigative Journalism

Journalism could be said to be non fiction writing (news) which relies on identifiable sources. Investigative Journalism might be defined as finding important news someone does not want the public to know. Journalists, as Article 19 suggested, have professional and ethical responsibilities to look beyond what they have been told by those in authority. Investigative Journalists can as a result be seen as custodians of the public conscience. According to Ettema and Glasser, this does not mean that investigative journalists should decide how everyone else should behave;

“They are not the guardians of some superior moral knowledge. Rather these journalists have the means to report and disseminate stories that can engage the public's sense of right and wrong. These journalists are, in other words, custodians of exactly what we imagine our consciences to be: a morally engaged voice”. (Ettema/Glasser: 1998. P 4)

Investigative journalism combines basic journalism reporting skills with more advanced research methods. Original research was seen as the distinguishing feature of investigative reporting:

“It is not a summary or piecing together of others' findings and data, but original research carried out by reporters using often the rawest of material. It can be extensive interviewing, or matching and comparing facts and figures. In many cases, the fruits, and originality, come in discovering patterns and connections in the information that no one has observed before”. (Randall: 1996. pp78/79)

Randall wrote that investigative reports often resulted from a "suspicion of wrongdoing". An investigative reporter would be required to engage in a prolonged inquiry, compiling a research dossier, from which a story or stories might be written. Such inquiries would require reporters and editors to manage time and resources, so that results might be maximized, he said.

The allows the polished digitised product to be published globally; wherever computers are linked to the telecommunications grid. Deadlines can become meaningless as material can be filed quickly and maintained on the web indefinitely.

Censorship has been made more difficult as web publishers proliferate. Journalist organizations such as the British based Association of Investigative Journalists established websites to create an outlet for reports mainstream conventional media might seem reluctant to publish:

“The decline in investigative journalism, and individual outlets for such serious reporting, is a pernicious form of implied censorship; the presence of light entertainment or consumer journalism in place of, say, a programme such as World in Action means that the issues that would otherwise have been presented to the public in such

programming are effectively barred from public consumption. Part of our task is to challenge such censorship in all its forms”. (http://www.aij-uk.com/policy.html)

However wider distribution can be at the cost of easy validation, undercutting notions of news as authenticated and credible versions of events. According to newsagency editor, Sharp, journalists have an expanded role, bringing meaning to the mass of information on the web: People are getting used to the notion now that if they have a question they can find the answer to it very quickly and if they don't there's something wrong. Whereas in the past the consumer basically had to accept what they got out of the print newspaper which was a limited amount of news. The concept of an infinite news hole which the web provides, is a very attractive concept. But it is also a very dangerous one, because human beings can only absorb no more than a given amount of information at any given time. Therefore the problem that arises with the Web is no longer a problem of accessing information but the problem of having too much information. Therefore it has to be organized, structured, and made meaningful in ways that weren't necessary before. (Sharp: 1999)

In short, the web provides a continuing role for journalists acting as mediators of information; professional writers who assemble identifiable cultural packages for Mass consumption.

JOURNALISM: INTERACTION

Communications were revolutionized in 1876, when Alexander Graham Bell received a patent for the telephone. With this new medium, two ways, immediate communication over long distances was possible for the first time. The telephone changed the way people conducted business, relayed important information, and, as the technology became more affordable, socialized with one another. As teenagers once aggravated their parents by hours talking on the telephone, today they can fulfill the same urges on the -in chat rooms and on the Net. (Moschovitis et al:1999 p 6)

The net offers audiences more variable interactions than those previously offered by edited newspapers' letter pages or the theatrical radio talk back programs. Moderated bulletin boards or email discussion groups can allow informed interaction with an informed audience. Foreign correspondents regularly participate in lists including HAsia (historians, researchers, Orient lists) and Listserv SEASIA (journalists, Asia scholars). Such lists can provide contact with identified, credible sources with access to significant background material. In recent years, issues including Taiwan's elections, Nato's bombing of a Chinese embassy and the Asian economic downturn have all been the subject of erudite discussion on these lists.

Open chat programs and discussion groups can also sometimes be a source for stories. Journalist, Matt Drudge, broke the news about President Clinton's affair with Monica Lewinsky with the help of tip offs from the net. Drudge saw his reporting as reporting stories ignored by the insider culture of the Washington press corps. The News Editor of Business Week magazine dismissed Drudge's often unsourced work as "suspect in the eyes of most journalists". But Drudge told the National Press Club in Washington that he received six million visitors a month to his website which began as an email mailing list: We have entered an era vibrating with the din of small voices. Every citizen can be a reporter, can take on the powers that be.

The difference between the , television and radio, magazines, newspapers is the two-way communication. The Net gives as much voice to a 13-year-old computer geek like me as to a CEO or speaker of the House. We all become equal. And you would be amazed what the ordinary guy knows. (Drudge: 1998)

However, not all information is created equally. Subsequent lawsuits against Drudge would indicate that tips gathered from chat groups or anonymous informants must be verified and investigated by journalists. Drudge's early success may be more attributed his daring to use to the power of publication on the , rather than the quality of Drudge's research.

theoretical framework: Scholars like Callaghy (1986), Nukunya (1992), Groenendijk (1997), Ruzindana (1998), Waliggo (1999), Osei (1999) and Rossouw (1999) traced the root causes of corruption in Africa to: prevalence of dictatorial rules, monitized or materialised economies, poor economic and educational empowerment of the citizenry, the “politics of the belly”, making the public sector as the “prime mover” of economic development and the absence of national ethical and moral values and true patriotism. Appropriate measures, no matter how bitter, have to be adopted to root-out these causes of corruption, if Nigeria and indeed other African countries are really serious about the fight against corruption.

There are many branches or dimensions of corruption in Nigeria, which need stringent measures in practice for effective prevention and control. Auyo (1998) highlights some of them to include: abuse of power; ill-treatment of subordinates and indecent treatment of people’s needs; self-award of contract; malicious withdrawal or ‘carpeting’ of personnel files; unnecessary delay of actions on certain demands; fraudulent distortion of facts and figures; nepotism; embezzlement and other financial misappropriation; ghost worker systems; 10% syndrome; transfer of public funds to private accounts; overinvoicing; over-pricing of contracts; and arson, usually to cover-up corrupt practices.

The role of the media is critical in promoting good governance and controlling corruption. It not only raises public awareness about corruption, its causes, consequences and possible remedies but also investigates and reports incidences of corruption. The effectiveness of the media, in turn, depends on access to information and freedom of expression, as well as a professional and ethical cadre of investigative journalists (Stapenhurst, 2000). Ayoola (2008) opined that if democracy is to survive and be a fruitful concept, the role of the media in sustaining it through anti-corruption crusade couldn’t be overemphasized. He stated further that certain issues must be placed at the forefront of such endeavour. Primary of these is the proper understanding of the concept of democracy by all, and the nature of the media practice that can nurture democracy and create favourable environment for it to thrive. He further noted that the immediate challenges before the media right now was to crave for a conducive environment for democracy to take root and become sustainable through the enthronement of a culture of freedom of speech and freedom of expression; government accountability and qualitative civil society indirect participation in governance.

The fight against corruption in Nigeria one must acknowledge, is one of the most daunting and challenging task to embark on, but with political will and commitment by her leaders and the right attitude by all Nigerians there is no doubt that some day, the Transparency International will in her report rank Nigeria as one of the least corrupt countries in the world (Ameh, 2007).

Each of the past regimes contributed to the problem of corruption. Nwaka (2003) stated that corruption became legitimized, especially during the Babangida and Abacha regimes (1985-1998), with huge revenues, but wasteful spending, and nothing to show in terms of physical developments. The culture of corruption through what Nigerians have come to know, as settlement syndrome became part of the country’s political culture.

All the positive values for development were jettisoned. Governmental agencies that were the pilots of socioeconomic developments were decimated. The decline in education sector today has its roots in this period. According to Ribadu (2009), “the African Union has reported that corruption drains the region of some $140 billion a year, which is about 25% of the continent's Fig: 1: Correlation between Corruption and Press Freedom official GDP. In Nigeria alone, we had a leader, General Sani Abacha, who it was believed took for himself between $5–6 billion and invested most of it in the western world.” He claimed that between 1960 and 1999, Nigerian officials had stolen or wasted more than $440 billion. That is six times the Marshall Plan, the total sum needed to rebuild a devastated Europe in the aftermath of the Second World War. He further stated that when you look across a nation and a continent riddled with poverty and weak institutions, and you think of what this money could have done – only then can you truly understand the crime of corruption, and the almost inhuman indifference that is required by those who wield it for personal gain.

Gray and Kaufmann (1998) posited vigorous war against corruption in order to promote good governance) and their agencies, were surreptitiously engaging in corruption on a grand scale in the developing countries. This is an absurdity. Ake (1981) believes that this type of corruption was caused by the promotional activities of unscrupulous multinationals, with the active connivance of local politicians, to encourage useless industrial ventures in order to sell plants and machinery.

Klitgaard (1996) developed a simple model to explain the dynamics of corruption:

C (Corruption) = M (Monopoly Power) + D (Discretion) – A (Accountability)

According to him, the extent of corruption depends on the amount of monopoly power and discretionary power that an official exercises. Monopoly power is large in highly regulated economies, whereas discretionary power is often large in developing countries and transition economies where administrative rules and regulations are often poorly defined and which are plagued by a weak rule of law. And finally, accountability may also be weak, either as a result of poorly defined ethical standards of public service, weak administrative and financial systems and ineffective watchdog agencies. Successful strategies to curb corruption will have to simultaneously seek to reduce an official’s monopoly power (e.g. by marketoriented reforms), his/ her discretionary power (e.g. by administrative reforms) and enhance his/her accountability (e.g., through watchdog agencies). Such strategies comprise a system of checks and balances, designed to manage conflicts of interest in the public sector and limit situations in which conflicts of interest arise or have a negative impact on the common good. They embody a comprehensive view of reform, addressing corruption in the public sector through government processes (leadership codes, organizational change) and through civil society participation (the democratic process, private sector, media).

A complementary schema, focusing on knowledge and data as a prerequisite for anti-corruption strategies, has been proposed by Kaufmann (1999), who states that:

AC (Anti-corruption Efforts) = LE (Leadership) + CA (Collective Action)

In other words, successful anti-corruption programs (AC) are dependent on knowledge and information (KI) plus leadership (LE) plus collective action (AC). Here again, the importance of information and the involvement of civil society, including the media, is central. Reform is initiated and supported not only by politicians and policy makers, but also by members of civil society and by the media. Indeed, the World Bank has stated, “civil society and the media are crucial to creating and maintaining an atmosphere in public life that discourages fraud and corruption. Indeed, they are arguably the two most important factors in eliminating systemic corruption in public institutions (PREM network, 1997).

Specifically, while the role that a free press can play in investigating, reporting and thereby helping combat corruption is now well recognized, assessments and descriptions of the precise means by which news media can perform this function appear to be scarce-despite the fact that there is a strong correlation between the incidence of corruption and the extent to which the media is free (Fig. 1) The figure above shows a strong negative relationship between Transparency International Index on corruption and Press Freedom World Wide Index. The two variables move in opposite direction. As Press Freedom World Wide Index increases, the Transparency International Index on corruption decreases.

Causes of corruption in Nigeria: Several reasons have been adduced for corruption in Nigeria, one of which is the sudden disappearance of good moral and ethical values. Nwaobi (2004) posited that Nigeria must be one of the very few countries in the world where a man’s source of wealth is of no concern to his neighbours, the public or the government. Wealthy people who are known to be corrupt are regularly courted and honoured by communities, religious bodies, social clubs and other private organizations. This implies that people who benefit from the largesse of these corrupt people rarely ask questions.

Sociological and/or cultural factors such as customs, family pressures on government officials and ethnicity constitute potential causes of corruption. In Nigeria, although traditional values of gift giving and tributes to leaders often lead to what Brownsberger (1983) describes as "polite corruption", the extent of such corruption is relatively small. Dandago (2008) revealed that traditional chieftaincy titles and membership of boards of directors of government-owned corporations are only for the ‘influential’ individuals in the society who have ‘made it’ economically or politically. Most of those people ‘made it’ through enriching themselves fraudulently, but enjoy public respect and accolades. The most annoying thing is that honest and dedicated public servants, who have not accumulated dirty wealth, do not command much respect from the society. These attitudes serve to encourage a new-breed of public servants who engage in corrupt practices.

A number of authors (Wraith and Simpkins, 1963; Llyod, 1967; McMullan, 1961) have pointed out that Africans know the difference between a polite gratuity and a bribe and that traditional (Nigerian) culture does recognize that the community leader has a duty to his people, and that this bars systematic exploitation of office. Chabal and Daloz (1999) reasoned that in Africa, such factors as the obligations of mutual support, the imperatives of reciprocity, the importance of gift exchange, the payment of tribute, the need to redistribute, even the habits of cattle rustling, or, more generally, of plundering others, all have a bearing on the phenomenon of corruption on the continent today. There are also those who believe that modern bribery may not be seen as cognate with traditional gift giving since it takes place outside the context of a patron-client relationship. Ethnically, the poor man's bribe to the faceless power he will never meet again is completely distinct from his traditional gift to a patron.

A weak enforcement mechanism (e.g. lack of judicial independence; weak prosecutorial institutions) is another major cause of corruption in Nigeria. The forces, which deter corruption, are often weak as some, if not most, of the law enforcement agencies are themselves corrupt. In addition, rulers, politicians and civil servants are highly corrupt, and professional organizations may be incapable of sanctioning their members.

According to Maduegbuna (2005) the benefits of corruption are greater than the consequences of being caught and disciplined. High incidence of poverty, which according to National Bureau of Statistics (2005) is put at 54.1% contributed in no small amount to the desperation of Nigerian to acquire wealth through any means. While the few employed received low wages, unemployment is high. The unemployed are mostly youths engaged in antisocial activities, such as cyber crime, drug peddling, prostitution, political thuggery, paid assassins, oil bunkering, kidnapping, militancy (Niger delta) among others; all in the name of money. Dandago (2008) observed that the poor salary levels of most public servants have not kept pace with inflation, which has eroded their purchasing power. It is also clear that the process of gaining power in Nigeria is either by armed force or the influence of money. Jimo et al. (2001) attributed corruption within the [African] region’s public administrations to over-centralization of power, lack of media freedom to expose scandals, the impunity of wellconnected officials, and absence of transparency in public fund management, clientalism and low salaries.

The Factors influencing corruption according to Van Rijckeghem and Weder (1997) are presented in the Table 1.

Johnston (1997) identified weak political competition as a strong factor that helps to sustain corrupt practices. He opined that this has generally plays a role in sustaining most serious cases of entrenched political and bureaucratic corruption. He submitted that stronger political and economic competition could enhance accountability, open up alternatives to dealing with corrupt networks, and create incentives for political leaders to move against corruption.

Effects of corruption in Nigeria: Corruption has been and continues to be a destructive element in the governance of Nigeria and the perception of the country in the comity of nations. According to Maduegbuna (2005) effects of corruption in Nigeria include loss of government revenue, negative national image, poor governance, braindrain, electoral malpractices,poor

Source: Van Rijckeghem and Weder (1997)

investment climate, business failure, unemployment and poverty.

Dandago (2008) stated that corruption in Nigeria, just as in most other African countries, has currently become the greatest challenge to leaders and citizens, threatening to undermine effective governmental financial management. It is also a threat to both economic development and the process of establishing an enduring democracy in developing countries, like Nigeria. Nigeria’s widespread corruption has historical roots that we should critically reflect on if we are to succeed in controlling and gradually eliminating it. Ribadu (2006b) opined that corruption is responsible for perpetual collapse of infrastructure and institutions; it is the cause of the endemic poverty in Africa; it is behind the underdevelopment and cyclical failure of democracy to take root in Africa. Corruption is worse than terrorism. Public officials who are corrupt should receive worse treatment than that reserved for terrorists.

Stople (2008) opined, “We need to pay attention to corruption because of its devastating effect on the economy”. The cost of corruption exceeds by far the damage caused by any other single crime." He stressed, "Corruption worsens the investment climate, undermines competitiveness of national economies. Corruption’s impact on foreign investment is considered to be particularly harmful for a developing economy.

Corruption not only raises the initial costs of investment but also, by increasing risks and uncertainty, can reduce the incentive to invest. Foreign direct investment is vital to a developing country and it is crucial to provide a climate for investments. Corruption makes it difficult for a low-income country to establish and maintain trustworthy and consistent economic conditions (Zero Tolerance Campaign, 2008).

Corruption also reduces economic growth, enhances inequalities, and reduces the government's capacity to respond to people's needs. All these swerve down to create poverty in the society." Corruption distorts economic and social development, by engendering wrong choices and by encouraging competition in bribery rather than in the quality and price of goods and services and, all too often, it means that the world’s poorest must pay for the corruption of their own officials and of multinationals’ agents (Langseth et al., 1997).

Corruption leads to a growing gap between the rich and the poor and deepens poverty by enriching a few at the expense of fellow citizens. Under a corrupt system, there is a concentration of wealth in the hands of a tiny minority of the population. Resultantly, income distribution becomes highly skewed. Closely associated with the concentration of wealth in the hands of a few, a distorted consumption pattern, aimed at meeting the luxurious lifestyle of the urban elite, emerges (Zero Tolerance Campaign, 2008).

Past and present anticorruption efforts: Successive governments in Nigeria have put in place several anticorruption measures and strategies such as Ethical Reorientation Campaign of Shagari’s Second Republic, War Against Indiscipline (WAI) of the Buhari/Idiagbon regime, Babangida’s Committee on Corruption and other Economic Crimes and War Against Corruption (Diamond, 1991; Bello-Imam, 2004). Other efforts include setting up of probe panels, commission of enquiry and tribunal (e.g. Failed Bank Tribunal) to try corrupt individuals. By laws such as Money Laundering Act 2003, Advance Free Fraud and Fraud Related Offences Act of 1995, Foreign Exchange Act of 1995, Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Act of 2000 were also enacted to back probe panels and tribunals.

Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) was established in 2003 to complement the zero tolerance for corruption crusade of Obasanjo’s administration. The anti-graft body was established by Economic and Financial Crimes Commission Establishment Act (2004). The Act mandates the EFCC to combat financial and economic crimes. The Commission is empowered to prevent, investigate, prosecute and penalise economic and financial crimes and is charged with the responsibility of enforcing the provisions of other laws and regulations relating to economic and financial crimes, including:

Economic and Financial Crimes Commission Establishment Act (2004), The Money Laundering Act 1995, The Money Laundering (Prohibition) act 2004, The Advance Fee Fraud and Other Fraud Related Offences Act 1995, The Failed Banks (Recovery of Debts) and Financial Malpractices in Banks Act 1994, The Banks and other Financial Institutions Act 1991; and Miscellaneous Offences Act.

The involvement of media in anti – corruption crusade cut across the public and private sector of the economy either directly or indirectly as listed below: